Daily Archives: February 7, 2009

سعيد عبد العزيز الميدانى

بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم
” يرفع الله الذين آمنوا منكم والذين أوتوا العلم درجات والله بما تعملون خبير”
[ المجادلة : 11 ]

(قُلِ اللَّهُمَّ مَالِكَ الْمُلْكِ تُؤْتِي الْمُلْكَ مَن تَشَاء وَتَنزِعُ الْمُلْكَ مِمَّن تَشَاء وَتُعِزُّ مَن تَشَاء وَتُذِلُّ مَن تَشَاء بِيَدِكَ الْخَيْرُ إِنَّكَ عَلَىَ كُلِّ شَيْءٍ قَدِيرٌ)


(ولما برزوا لجالوت وجنوده قالوا ربنا أفرغ علينا صبرا وثبت أقدامنا وانصرنا على القوم الكافرين)


قال الله تعالى: “لا يحب الله الجهر بالسوء من القول إلا من ظُلِم…”

عن خزيمة بن ثابت قال: قال رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم: “اتقوا دعوة المظلوم، فإنها تحمل على الغمام، يقول الله: وعزتي وجلالي لأنصرنك ولو بعد حين.

قال صلى الله عليه وسلم في الصحيح: “مثل المؤمنين في توادهم وتراحمهم وتعاطفهم، مثل الجسد إذا اشتكى منهم عضو تداعى له سائر الجسد بالسهر والحمى”.

لا تظلمن إذا ما كنت مقتدرا *** فالظلم ترجع عقباه بالندم
تنام عيناك والمظلوم منتبه *** يدعو عليك وعين الله لم تنم


(بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم)
اللهم ياموضع كل شكوى ياشاهد كل نجوى وياعالم كل خفية، وياكاشف كل بلية ويامنجي موسى ومحمد وإبراهيم الخليل صلوات الله عليهم أدعوك يا إلهي دعاء من اشتدت فاقته وضعفت قوته وقلت حيلته دعاء الغريق الملهوف المكروب المشغوف الذى لا يجد لكشف مانزل به إلا أنت ولا إله إلا أنت فارحمنا ياأرحم الراحمين واكشف عنا مانزل بنا عدونا وعدوك الشيطان الرجيم ومن هؤلاء القوم الظالمين الباغين ومن هذا الظالم ومن معه يارب العالمين إنك على كل شئ قدير واغوثاه واغوثاه واغوثاه يالله يالله يالله اللهم يابارئ لاشريك لك يادائم لا نفاد لك ياحي يامحي الموتى ياقائما على كل نفس بماكسبت إلهي إنك أنت العزيزالجبار.

خلفية عن الموضوع

تطور أزمة هنيدي‮ مع التربية والتعليم

انته فين ياوزير التعليم

وانته فين يانقيب المعلمين

اليس هذا من واجب النقابه

ولا دورك قفل النقابة

عند التعبير عن الرأى

ولماذا احنا المدرسين مازعلناش من مسرحية وفلم مدرسة المشاغبين ودورها فى ماوصل اليه التعليم الثانوى

ولماذا هذا الاصرار العجيب من جانب الممثليين على تشويه

شكل المدرس

وعلشان ايه يأخ محمد هنيدى

تعمل كده ايه اللى استفدته

دا يمكن انته ضربت شهرتك بمقتل

تعمل كده .لعلك مبسوط.لعلك مبسوط.

نم قرير العين ان استطعت

نم قرير العين ان استطعت


Israeli army "subcontracted" by extremist settlers

An Israeli soldier inspects a wall of a mosque desecrated by suspected Jewish settlers, reading “Muhammad is a pig,” West Bank city of Qalqiliya, December 2008. (Khaleel Reash/MaanImages)

Extremist rabbis and their followers, bent on waging holy war against the Palestinians, are taking over the Israeli army by stealth, according to critics.

In a process one military historian has termed the rapid “theologization” of the Israeli army, there are now entire units of religious combat soldiers, many of them based in West Bank settlements. They answer to hardline rabbis who call for the establishment of a Greater Israel that includes the Occupied Palestinian Territories.

Their influence in shaping the army’s goals and methods is starting to be felt, say observers, as more and more graduates from officer courses are also drawn from Israel’s religious extremist population.

“We have reached the point where a critical mass of religious soldiers is trying to negotiate with the army about how and for what purpose military force is employed on the battlefield,” said Yigal Levy, a political sociologist at the Open University who has written several books on the Israeli army.

The new atmosphere was evident in the “excessive force” used in the recent Gaza operation, Dr Levy said. More than 1,300 Palestinians were killed, a majority of them civilians, and thousands were injured as whole neighborhoods of Gaza were leveled.

“When soldiers, including secular ones, are imbued with theological ideas, it makes them less sensitive to human rights or the suffering of the other side.”

The greater role of extremist religious groups in the army came to light last week when it emerged that the army rabbinate had handed out a booklet to soldiers preparing for the recent 22-day Gaza offensive.

Yesh Din, an Israeli human rights group, said the material contained messages “bordering on racist incitement against the Palestinian people” and might have encouraged soldiers to ignore international law.

The booklet quotes extensively from Shlomo Aviner, a far-right rabbi who heads a religious seminary in the Muslim quarter of East Jerusalem. He compares the Palestinians to the Philistines, the Biblical enemy of the Jews.

He advises: “When you show mercy to a cruel enemy, you are being cruel to pure and honest soldiers … This is a war on murderers.” He also cites a Biblical ban on “surrendering a single millimeter” of Greater Israel.

The booklet was approved by the army’s chief rabbi, Brig Gen Avichai Ronsky, who is reportedly determined to improve the army’s “combat values” after its failure to crush Hizballah in Lebanon in 2006.

Gen Ronsky was appointed three years ago in a move designed, according to the Israeli media, to placate hardline religious elements within the army and the settler community.

Gen Ronsky, himself a settler in the West Bank community of Itimar, near Nablus, is close to far-right groups. According to reports, he pays regular visits to jailed members of Jewish terror groups; he has offered his home to a settler who is under house arrest for wounding Palestinians; and he has introduced senior officers to a small group of extremist settlers who live among more than 150,000 Palestinians in Hebron.

He has also radically overhauled the rabbinate, which was originally founded to offer religious services and ensure religious soldiers were able to observe the sabbath and eat kosher meals in army canteens.

Over the past year the rabbinate has effectively taken over the role of the army’s education corps through its Jewish Awareness Department, which co-ordinates its activities with Elad, a settler organization that is active in East Jerusalem.

In October, the Haaretz newspaper quoted an unnamed senior officer who accused the rabbinate of carrying out the religious and political “brainwashing” of troops.

Levy said the army rabbinate’s power was growing as the ranks of religious soldiers swelled.

Breaking the Silence, a project run by soldiers seeking to expose the army’s behavior against Palestinians, said the booklet handed out to troops in Gaza had originated among Hebron’s settlers.

“The document has been around since at least 2003,” said Mikhael Manekin, 29, one of the group’s directors and himself religiously observant. “But what is new is that the army has been effectively subcontracted to promote the views of the extremist settlers to its soldiers.”

The power of the religious right in the army reflected wider social trends inside Israel, Levy said. He pointed out that the rural cooperatives known askibbutzim that were once home to Israel’s secular middle classes and produced the bulk of its officer corps had been on the wane since the early 1980s.

“The vacuum left by their gradual retreat from the army was filled by religious youngsters and by the children of the settlements. They now dominate in many branches of the army.”

According to figures cited in the Israeli media, more than one-third of all Israel’s combat soldiers are religious, as are more than 40 percent of those graduating from officer courses.

The army has encouraged this trend by creating some two dozen hesder yeshivas, seminaries in which youths can combine Biblical studies with army service in separate religious units. Many of the yeshivas are based in the West Bank, where students are educated by the settlements’ extremist rabbis.

Ehud Barak, the defense minister, has rapidly expanded the program, approving four yeshivas, three based in settlements, last summer. Another 10 are reportedly awaiting his approval.

Manekin, however, warned against blaming the violence inflicted on Gaza’s civilians solely on the influence of religious extremists.

“The army is still run by the secular elites in Israel and they have always been reckless with regard to the safety of civilians when they wage war. Jewish nationalism that justifies Palestinian deaths is just as dangerous as religious extremism.”

Jonathan Cook is a writer and journalist based in Nazareth, Israel. His latest books are Israel and the Clash of Civilisations: Iraq, Iran and the Plan to Remake the Middle East (Pluto Press) and Disappearing Palestine: Israel’s Experiments in Human Despair (Zed Books). His website is www.jkcook.net.

A version of this article originally appeared in The National, published in Abu Dhabi.

Fear and trauma in Gaza’s schools


 By Alex Dziadosz in Gaza


Counselors and teachers are addressing the trauma and fears of students in Gaza [GALLO/GETTY]

As students filed into the courtyard of Asma elementary school in Gaza City for the first time since the Israeli offensive began, they were greeted by a bleak reminder of the violence that left more than 1,300 Palestinians dead and thousands injured.
A hole punched by an Israeli rocket scarred the courtyard latrine and blood soiled the wall beside it.

Asma is one of over 600 schools in Gaza – most of which reopened on January 24 – that is today facing a large number of post-war operational challenges.
Educators across the Gaza Strip are now considering whether to reschedule exams which were abandoned when Israel began bombing the territory on December 27.
Teachers are also faced with the task of teaching in rooms which had served as shelters for dozens of refugees.
Addressing the trauma

On their first day back to class, most children meandered in the courtyard, eating bread and cheese provided by the school and playing with their friends. Inside the classrooms, debris left by the scores of refugees housed there until a few days ago still covered the floors – a box of tomatoes, empty bottles and, in some rooms, the shattered remnants of boards and chairs used for firewood in the absence of gas and electricity. 
Many teachers say that a normal curriculum cannot be administered until students have been treated for trauma from the deaths of their classmates and family members.
“In the morning when I was working among the students, some of them were very frightened,” said Amirah Hamdan, a teacher at Asma who handles the morning attendance call.
“They thought that the war would start again because they were in the school.”
Other teachers and administrators say they will take the next few days to help the school’s nearly 900 students put the war behind them and return to their studies, but the first day made it clear that this will take time.
Students at the Asma school were mostly glad to return, though many were still shaken by the violence of the past few weeks.

Nour Abdel All, 10, says she lost two of her seven brothers during the war and is worried that she will lose more.
When she is old enough to work, she says, she would like to teach human rights, an attitude inspired by the loss of her brothers.
The bombing terrified her and she is still scared – particularly of the Israeli fighter jets.
“I pray that God will one day burn them all,” she says 
School exams
Suha Dawoud, a supervisor at Asma, says her daughter was one of many students who had been taking her annual exams when the Israeli attacks began.
“They [the students] are not in a state of mind in which they can concentrate and focus,” says Dawoud.
“Even the most disciplined student would not be able to cope with examinations after the horrible scenes they have watched either on TV or on the ground.”
However, many students had been performing poorly at school even before Israel launched the war on Gaza on December 27.
The Israeli blockade has stifled the local economy forcing many students to reportedly abandoned their studies and seek employment.
Turning to education

Several schools in Gaza were damaged in the Israeli attacks [AFP]
Many Palestinians see education as one of the few paths available to them to leave the territories in search of better lives.
In recent decades, the West Bank and Gaza Strip have posted better high school enrolment rates than Lebanon and higher literacy rates than Egypt and Yemen.

The Palestinian territories and diaspora have produced many influential academics, such as Edward Said, Rashid Khalidi and Mahmoud Darwish.
“Our goal is to keep the wheel of education going, because education is what our children have. It is their actual wealth,” says Dawoud.
“We do not have resources here in Gaza. We do not have raw materials or industry. We have nothing other than education itself.”
Educators like Dawoud are also up against the prevailing atmosphere of occupation and violence.
Graffiti depicting armed and masked men cover the walls, the faces of fallen “martyrs” glare down from lamppost signs, and digital gunfire sputters from internet cafes as rows of children sit enthralled by military-themed video games.
Even in Dawoud’s classes, the air of violence is there.
As a kind of therapy, she often gives children papers and pencils and asks them to draw what they are feeling.
“You might be shocked,” she says.
“Blood, destruction, people killing each other; guns are in their paintings and drawings.” 
Angry students
At the Palestine Secondary School for Boys, a government-run school for some 700 students in Gaza City, administrators have decided to cancel exams altogether.
They had been scheduled for December 29 – two days after the Israeli assault began.
El-Khalily, the school’s manager, told Al Jazeera that on their first day back, teachers did not hold regular class session but instead chose to help students cope with what they had seen and heard during the war.
Two students from the school were killed during the war and another five were wounded.
Teachers at the school are worried that student anger could lead to violence and failing grades in the days ahead.
“Maybe a teacher is explaining a lesson and the student is in another mental place,” says Nour El-Deen, an English teacher.
“His body is with the teacher, yes, but his mind is out. He is thinking of destruction, demolition.”

 Source: Al Jazeera 

Gaza is no Warsaw Ghetto

OPINION: CRISIS IN GAZA
http://english.aljazeera.net/focus/crisisingaza/2009/02/20092191518941246.html

 By Mark LeVine, Middle East historian

The Gaza-Warsaw comparison was inevitable, especially after the war started [GALLO/GETTY]
Within days of the Israeli invasion of the Gaza Strip, critics of the war, on blogs and in the mainstream media, began to compare the situation of Palestinians in Gaza to that of Jews in the Warsaw Ghetto during the Second World War.

In the last few years comparisons between the Israeli occupation and apartheid in South Africa had become increasingly acceptable around the world, including in Israel.

However, the carnage caused by Israel’s latest war has apparently rendered the apartheid comparison too weak to evoke the full horror of what Palestinians have suffered.

Israelis have suffered as well, but the levels of death and destruction on each side is so mind-numbingly lopsided – at least 1,300 versus 13 dead – that simply juxtaposing them seems almost nonsensical. The Gaza-Warsaw comparisons have not just been made, predictably, by Hamas leaders such as Mahmoud al-Zahar.
They have also been made by Arabs and Muslims around the world, by anti-war movements in Europe and the US, on the opinion pages of major US newspapers, by  Richard Falk, the UN Human Rights Rapporteur, by Jewish members of the British parliament, and even by some American Jewish and Israeli critics of the war.

Images from Gaza have been juxtaposed next to images from the Warsaw Ghetto, with the aim of demonstrating the similarities between the two.

Evoking memories
It was inevitable that the Gaza-Warsaw comparison would be made, especially once the war started. It is so difficult to get the mainstream media in the West, and particularly in the US, to pay attention to the suffering of Palestinians, that many seem to have concluded that only the most powerful comparisons will get peoples’ attention.
There are, indeed, disturbing similarities between the two situations.


 
Pictures of the Warsaw Ghetto have been shown next to those of Gaza [GALLO/GETTY] The Warsaw Ghetto was composed of Jews forced out of their homes and herded into one small section of the city.

Gaza is composed largely of refugees and their descendents, most of whom were forced to flee their homes during the 1948 war.

Like the Ghetto, in the last decade the Gaza Strip has been surrounded by a barrier that has literally imprisoned 1.5 million in a territory that has become one of the most densely populated in the world.

Once the war started, Gazan civilians were trapped within a war zone, while Israel – crucially, with Egyptian help – had full command of the territory in and around Gaza. This situation prompted comparisons with the absolute Nazi control of the Ghetto and its surrounding area during the uprising.

Increasing restrictions on food, water and medical supplies by the Israeli military, and severe levels of malnutrition and unemployment  “evoked” memories of the Nazi’s slow strangulation of the Ghetto, as Richard Falk described it.
Even the tunnels of Gaza have been compared to those used by Jews to smuggle food and other essential goods into the Ghetto from the “Aryan side”.

Psychological harm
These comparisons reflect an intolerable situation that is not just a humanitarian disaster, but has included the systematic commission of war crimes, and through them, crimes against humanity. The fact that the situation in Gaza has existed for decades has deepened the suffering, and the level of culpability.



Indeed, the UN has reported that 50 per cent of Gaza’s children have become so scarred by the occupation and siege that they have no will to live. An occupation that causes this level of psychological harm warrants not just the world’s condemnation, but the prosecution of those responsible for administering this state of affairs. But thank God, Gaza is not the Warsaw Ghetto. Even after the latest war, Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank remain rooted to the soil, not buried beneath it.
Hamas’s Mahmoud al-Zahar has described Israel’s attack on Gaza as “total war”. This language is clearly intended to link Israel’s actions in Gaza to genocide, and particularly Germany’s total war against the Jews during the Second World War, in their effect if not their intention.
If such a comparison has merits, the Gaza-Warsaw comparison would similarly hold true, giving the accusations of a Palestinian Holocaust merit.

The February 29, 2008 warning by Matan Vilnai, Israel’s deputy defence minister, that Palestinians risked “bringing an even bigger Shoah” (the Hebrew word for Holocaust) upon themselves if they did not stop firing Qassam rockets into Israel, reveals that Israeli officials are well aware of the magnitude of the suffering they have inflicted on the people of Gaza.

Defining genocide
Yet, however horrific the situation in Gaza, it does not meet the definition of genocide used by the main bodies that prosecute such crimes, such as the European Court of Human Rights, the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia and the International Court of Justice.

All of these bodies define genocide as involving the intention to bring about the “physical-biological destruction” of a large enough share of an “entire human group” (national, ethnic, racial or religious) as to put the group’s continued physical existence in jeopardy.

The Warsaw Ghetto was used by the Nazis to confine Jews into the smallest possible space, eventually in preparation for their ultimate extermination – which became official Nazi policy within a year of the ghetto’s creation.

Out of an initial population of over 400,000 Jews, 100,000 had died of disease and starvation by the time the uprising began in 1943. To be comparable, by 2007 over 300,000 Gazans would have to have died from similar causes.

Ultimately, more than 300,000 Jews were shipped to the Treblinka extermination camp and murdered. At most, only about 200 Jews survived the uprising.

Ninety-eight per cent of Warsaw’s Jews perished. More broadly, about 63 per cent of Europe’s pre-war Jewish population were killed during the Holocaust.
The roughly 6,500 Gazans killed by Israel since it unilaterally withdrew its soldiers and settlers in 2005 equals 0.4 per cent of the population of the Strip.
In comparison, upwards of 75 per cent of Rwanda’s Tutsi population, about 800,000 people, were murdered during the 100 days of genocide in 1994. Over 200,000 Bosnian Muslims (10 per cent of the pre-war Muslim population) were killed by Serbs between 1993 and 1995.

The Gazan death toll would have to be more than 20 times greater to approach Bosnia, 175 times more to approach Rwanda.

Historical context

Pointing out that the suffering endured by Gazans is not comparable in scope to the Holocaust or other well-known genocides, does not diminish it. However, it is crucial to provide accurate historical context to the current conflict, for two reasons.


If Gaza is today’s Warsaw, then Palestinians have no hope [GALLO/GETTY] Firstly, the use of highly charged historical comparisons that do not hold up to scrutiny unnecessarily weakens the Palestinian case against the occupation.

In a propaganda war in which Palestinians have always struggled to compete, handing Israel’s supporters the gift of inaccurate or exaggerated comparisons does not help this struggle, particularly not in Israel and the US, the two most important battlegrounds in this conflict.

To cite just one example, Israel and its supporters still use the exaggerated casualty figures of the early days of the 2002 siege of Jenin – hundreds were claimed to have been massacred, “only” 56 people were ultimately found to have died – to support their argument that Palestinians “lie” about the human toll of Israeli attacks.

When the argument is shifted from the basic illegality and intolerability of the occupation to an argument over numbers in which Palestinians seem to overstate their case, Israel has created more room to continue the occupation.

Egyptian complicity

It also has to be recognised that the sealing of Gaza has occurred with the complicity of Egypt. While Israel remains the de jure occupying power of the Gaza Strip, the Gaza-Egypt border has remained closed or open depending on the wishes of the Egyptian government – something Israeli officials regularly point out, and millions of protesters against Hosni Mubarak, the Egyptian president, across the Arab world affirm.

Egypt allowed the crossing to remain open for several days when Hamas blew up part of the wall in January 2008. It has since kept it largely sealed despite the dire humanitarian situation, putting its relationship with Israel – and more importantly, with the US – ahead of the welfare of Gaza’s 1.5 million residents.

Indeed, the collusion of Israel’s neighbour, Egypt, and its biggest patron, the US, in ghettoizing Gaza creates a triangular network of responsibility that has no parallel with the Nazi control over Warsaw, and Poland more broadly.

The second and more important reason for developing a more accurate historical model for Gaza is that comparing Gaza and the Warsaw Ghetto diminishes Palestinian agency.

If Gaza is today’s Warsaw, then Palestinians have no hope. There is no solution, no new strategies worth considering besides nihilistic violence that invites a far more deadly response.

Such a view, which has long characterised Hamas’s worldview, limits if not closes the horizons of political action by Palestinians, making it harder to come up with more creative strategies to resist and even transcend the occupation.

Ultimately, it creates a self-fulfilling prophecy, as the inertia of hopeless violence produces ever more intense responses.

Politicide, not genocide

After visiting Gaza in 2003, Oona King, a Jewish British politician, compared Gaza and Warsaw, explaining that they are “the same in nature but not extent”.

However, it is impossible to separate the extent of Nazi policies in and surrounding the Warsaw Ghetto from the nature of the ghetto, since each determined and reinforced the other.

The Warsaw Ghetto was essentially a holding pen for livestock headed for slaughter.
The Gaza ghetto is a “concentration camp” – as Cardinal Renato Martino, the Vatican’s justice and peace minister, termed it – intended to force Palestinians to accept a rump state with a few trappings of sovereignty, bisected by huge Jewish settlement blocs, severed from East Jerusalem, and without hope for returning anything but a miniscule percentage of refugees to their homeland.

This intolerable situation was labelled by the late Israeli sociologist Baruch Kimmerling as politicide. Its goal is clearly to make the creation of a viable Palestinian state all but impossible to achieve.

But Gaza in 2009 is not Warsaw in 1943. It is worth remembering that the Jewish uprising did little if anything to stop the Holocaust.

The Gaza ghetto has its own historical roots and therefore the possibility of a different trajectory and, hopefully, a more positive denouement than did Warsaw.

Only with a clear and objective understanding of the roots, nature and purpose of the Gaza ghetto, and of the ongoing occupation of the West Bank and Gaza more broadly, can a different and more positive ending to the Palestinian – and Israeli – narratives be written.

Mark LeVine is a professor of Middle East history at the University of California, Irvine, and is the author of Heavy Metal Islam: Rock, Resistance, and the Struggle for the Soul of Islam and the soon to be published An Impossible Peace: Israel/Palestine Since 1989.

BBC’s "impartiality" anything but

By: Muhammad Idrees Ahmad, The Electronic Intifada, 4 February 2009

“The BBC cannot be neutral in the struggle between truth and untruth, justice and injustice, freedom and slavery, compassion and cruelty, tolerance and intolerance.” Thus read a 1972 internal document called Principles and Practice in News and Current Affairs laying out the guidelines for the BBC’s coverage of conflicts. It appears to affirm that in cases of oppression and injustice to be neutral is to be complicit, because neutrality reinforces the status quo. This partiality to truth, justice, freedom, compassion and tolerance it deems “within the consensus about basic moral values.” It is this consensus that the BBC spurned when it refused to broadcast the Disaster Emergency Committee (DEC)’s video appeal to help the people of Gaza.

The presumption that underlies the decision is that the BBC has always been impartial when it comes to Israel-Palestine. An exhaustive 2004 study by the Glasgow University Media Group, Bad News from Israel, shows that the BBC’s coverage is systematically biased in favor of Israel. It excludes context and history to focus on day-to-day events; it invariably inverts reality to frame these as Palestinian “provocation” against Israeli “retaliation.” The context is always Israeli “security,” and in interviews the Israeli perspective predominates. There is also a marked difference in the language used to describe casualties on either side; and despite the far more numerous Palestinian victims, Israeli casualties receive more air time.

Many of these findings were subsequently confirmed in a 2006 independent review commissioned by the BBC’s board of governors which found its coverage of the conflict “incomplete” and “misleading.” The review highlighted in particular the BBC’s selective use of the word “terrorism” and its failure “to convey adequately the disparity in the Israeli and Palestinian experience, reflecting the fact that one side is in control and the other lives under occupation.”
These biases were once more evident in the corporation’s coverage of the recent assault on Gaza. A false sense of balance was sustained by erasing from the narrative the root cause of the conflict: instead of occupier and occupied, we had a “war” or a “battle” — as if between equals. In most stories the word occupation was not mentioned once. On the other hand the false Israeli claim that the occupation of Gaza ended in 2005 was frequently repeated, even though access to the strip’s land, sea and airspace remain under Israeli control, and the United Nations still recognizes Israel as the occupying power. In accepting the spurious claims of one side over the judgment of the world’s pre-eminent multilateral institution, the BBC has already forfeited its impartiality.

The BBC presented the assault as an Israeli war of self-defense, a narrative that could only be sustained by effacing the 1,250 Palestinians (including 222 children) killed by the Israeli military between 2005 and 2008. It downplayed the siege which denies Palestinians in Gaza access to fuel, food, water and medicine. It presented Hamas’s ineffectual rockets as the cause of the conflict when it was Israel’s breech of the six-month truce on 4 November which triggered hostilities. It described the massacre of refugees in an UN relief agency compound in the context of Israel’s “objectives” and “security.” The security needs of the Palestinians received scant attention. Selective indices were used to create an illusion of balance: instead of comparing Palestinian casualties to those suffered by Israel (more than 1300 to 13) the BBC chose to match them with the number of rockets fired by Hamas. No similar figures were produced for the tonnage of ordnance dropped on the Palestinians.

A parade of Israeli officials — uniformed and otherwise — were always at hand to explain away Israeli war crimes. The only Palestinians quoted were from the Palestinian Authority, a faction even the BBC’s own Jeremy Paxman identified as collaborators, even though the assault was described invariably as an “Israel-Hamas” conflict, much as the 2006 Israeli invasion was framed as an “Israel-Hizballah” war. This despite the fact that Israel made no attempts to discriminate between the groups it was claiming to target and the wider population. As one Israeli military official bragged, Israel was “trying to hit the whole spectrum, because everything is connected and everything supports terrorism against Israel.” Indeed, given the ratio of civilian to combatant deaths, it would have been far more accurate to describe the assaults as “Israeli army-Lebanon,” and “Israeli army-Palestine” conflicts.

You can read the complete article here.
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But this decision to refuse a charity appeal has consequences that go far beyond any of the BBC’s earlier failings: as the respected British MP Tony Benn put it, “people will die because of the BBC decision.” It is so blatantly unjust that the only question the BBC management might want to mull over is just how irreparable the damage from this controversy might be to its reputation. The organization that only days earlier was reporting with glee a letter by Chinese intellectuals boycotting their state media is today itself the subject of boycotts across Britain, not just by intellectuals, but by artists, scholars, citizens and even the International Atomic Energy Agency. Much like Pravda and Izvestia during the Cold War, today it is the BBC that has emerged as the most apposite metaphor for state propaganda.

You can read the complete article here.

تطور أزمة هنيدي‮ مع التربية والتعليم

مبسوط انته كده يافنان علشان ناس جهلة يعملو كده معلهش اصل الدنيا ماشيه بظهرها

لعلمك حركة مش ظريفة ونزلت خمسن فى الميه من شعبيتك ان لم تقضى عليها

مدرس عربى

مدرس يافنان يتعمل فيه كده باسمك وماله

حركة اتحسبت عليك وقضت على نجوميتك

دا مرتبة ميجيش اد مرتب اللبيس بتاعك

نقل مدرس اللغة العربية والموجه العام ومدير المدرسة مجاملة للفنان
كتب‮ – ‬محمد صلاح‮:‬ في‮ ‬تطور خطير لأزمة هنيدي‮ ‬والتربية والتعليم،‮ ‬قامت إدارة بندر كفر الدوار التعليمية بنقل سعيد عبدالعزيز الميداني‮ ‬مدرس اللغة العربية واضع الامتحان الي‮ ‬التوجيه بالإدارة،‮ ‬مجاملة للفنان‮. ‬كما تضمن القرار نقل الموجه العام للمادة ومحمد سعيد مدير مدرسة الثانوية بنات الي‮ ‬إدارة التعليم الإعدادي‮.‬ أكد المدرس‮ »‬الميداني‮« ‬في‮ ‬تصريحات خاصة للوفد أن قرار النقل جاء مجاملة للفنان علي‮ ‬حساب العملية التعليمية،‮ ‬وأشار الي‮ ‬أن ورقة الامتحان لا‮ ‬يوجد بها أي‮ ‬إدانة فعلية له،‮ ‬كما أن قطعة النحو مادة إبداعية ابتكارية من حق واضع الامتحان أن‮ ‬يعالج فيها ما‮ ‬يراه من سلبيات وإيجابيات داخل المجتمع دون المساس بكرامة أحد،‮ ‬وشدد الميداني‮ ‬علي‮ ‬أن ورقة الامتحان خالية تماما من أي‮ ‬سب وقذف في‮ ‬حق الفنان وهي‮ ‬تصحيح لبعض مفاهيم تربوية خاطئة جاءت من خلال الفيلم،‮ ‬ولها تأثيرات سلبية علي‮ ‬علاقة التلاميذ بالمعلم‮.‬ طالب سعيد الميداني‮ ‬بالعودة الفورية لعمله بالمدرسة وعودة موجه المادة ومدير المدرسة‮.‬ كان مدرس اللغة العربية قد وضع سؤالا في‮ ‬النحو بامتحانات النقل بالثانوي‮ ‬العام،‮ ‬ووصف فيه هنيدي‮ ‬بالممثل الساخر الذي‮ ‬تعمد إهانة المعلمين من خلال فيلمه الجديد‮ »‬مبروك أبو العلمين حمودة‮« ‬وطالب التلميذات بإعراب القطعة،‮ ‬وذيل الامتحان بقطعة أخري‮ ‬بعنوان‮: »‬إن الممثلين الساخرين من القيم فاشلون‮«!!‬ وانفردت الوفد بنشر الامتحان الذي‮ ‬أثار نقابة الممثلين وتناولته الفضائيات بالمتابعة والتحليل‮.‬

منع دخول المحمول مع الملاحظين والمعلمين

انتهى المركز القومى للتقويم التربوى للامتحانات من تصميم نموذج الاستمارة الخاصة باختبارات المرحلة الثانية من كادر المعلمين ومشروع تطبيق الاختبار للتعليم الأزهرى، والذى يبدأ يوم ١٠ فبراير الجارى، ويبلغ عدد المعلمين المسجلين لأداء الاختبار ١١٧ ألفاً و٦٥٧ معلماً ومعلمة. ضم «مشروع تطبيق الاختبارات» مجموعة من الضمانات لحسن سير الاختبارات، من بينها وجود مسؤول قانونى داخل اللجان، والتأكيد على منع دخول المحمول وتحرير محاضر فى حالات الغش وأداء الاختبار بموجب بطاقة الرقم القومى. وقال الدكتور أسامة ماهر، منسق مشروع اختبارات كادر المعلمين، لـ«المصرى اليوم» إن المركز اتخذ مجموعة من الإجراءات تهدف إلى تجنب الأخطاء التى وقعت خلال اختبارات المرحلة الثانية من كادر معلمى التعليم العام، مشيراً إلى أخطاء ملء بيانات المعلمين، فى استمارة التطبيق.

وتعهد ماهر أن تمر اختبارات الأزهر دون أخطاء بالشكل الذى حدث خلال اختبارات معلمى التعليم العام، لافتاً إلى أن المركز يتلقى حالياً شكاوى معلمى التعليم العام، وأن نتائج تلك التظلمات ستعلن نتائجها عقب دراستها، مرجحاً إعلانها بعد نهاية اختبارات الأزهر الشريف.

وأوضح أنه من بين الإجراءات التى تمت تدريب المعلمين والعاملين فى الاختبارات على كيفية ملء استمارة الامتحان وكتابة الأكواد، خاصة أنها كانت السبب الرئيسى فى أخطاء المرحلة الثانية من كادر المعلمين، مشيرا إلى وجود ٤ صور من الاختبارات بكل تخصص.